Blog

This is Part 3 in the series, Against the Grain, by Libby Cook, about her research over the past few years to discover and tell the stories of the enslaved community at White Plains in King George County, Virginia.

Part 1 | Part 2

In the last two entries, we read against the grain of historical documents to construct a broad overview of the demography of White Plains’ enslaved community and a mid-level view of the Free Black community in King George County. Finally, we’ve worked our way down to the finest grain: the enslaved individuals who lived at White Plains. 

Two collections are the subject of this entry: the George White, Jr., Journal, 1803-1813, and the King George County Claims for slaves who escaped during the late war, 1861-1865. Both are in the archival manuscript collections at the Library of Virginia. 

Revealing Journal Entries

The George White journal might be the best example yet of reading against the grain and looking for enslaved individuals where they “aren’t supposed to be.” White’s journal records accounts with individuals from King George and the surrounding counties for general merchandise. Nothing indicates that it would have anything relevant to White Plains’ enslaved community. Two things made it worth a look. First, there is a growing body of scholarship examining how enslaved individuals interacted with the free market. It sounds counterintuitive, but enslaved men and women often had some degree of economic agency. They kept gardens to supplement their supplied rations and sold or traded the excess either to the plantation or to local merchants. Eggs and poultry raised in the slave quarter, as well as fish and game caught during off hours, could be used in the same way. Enslaved individuals who practiced skilled trades, such as smithing or carpentry, might be allowed to hire themselves out when not needed on the plantation, with a portion of their wages kept and a portion given to their owner. Thus, men and women who had no legal freedom could attain for themselves some economic freedom and possibly a little material comfort. Second, as a material culture scholar, I’m always interested in seeing what people are buying and the journal seemed like it could be something fun to look at after a day of staring at microfilm.

George White apparently had no qualms engaging in transactions with the enslaved community. While there are not as many recorded transactions with enslaved individuals as there are with white individuals, there are enough to understand how enslaved African American men and women engaged with the local economy for this period, and, more specifically, what economic opportunities could be found at White Plains. In his journal, White recorded sales to “Ben (belonging to A. Thornley)” and “Solomon Jackson. A. Thornley’s Bksmith,” as well as to several other enslaved individuals.

Ben made only a single purchase. On 25 December 1812, he bought sugar and whiskey for three shillings and paid in full. From this single transaction, we can surmise a few things. First, Ben had the three shillings in ready money, so he had some access to cash payments through other transactions in the local economy. Second, consumption of alcohol among the enslaved population was either socially acceptable or something that did not trouble White. Third, the purchase was likely meant to enhance a Christmas celebration, given that it was made on Christmas Day.

Solomon Jackson, a blacksmith owned by Aaron Thornley, carried an account with White between December 1810 and June 1812. Those transactions capture remarkable details regarding his life, and that of his family.

The Journal

Below are images of the journal pages and a transcription of Jackson’s purchases and exchanges. 

A Transcription of Debits

4 Dec. 1810	To 2 yds drb plains 2/9 ½ pr & 1 qt whisky 1/10 ½	$1.23
23 Dec. 1810	1 ½ chince 9d, 2 ¼ yds blue cloth 4/6 thrd 6d	$1.96
24 Dec. 1810	1 qt whiskey 1/6, 1 yd Ind Cotton 18d	$0.50
28 Dec. 1810	1 quart whisky 1/6	$0.25
3 Feb. 1811	2 ½ yds Inda Cotton 1/6	$0.62 ½
1 Mar. 1811	1 of Hk Silk 6d (Ap 2) ½ bus salt 2/3	$0.50
	[Subtotaled]	$5.06 ½
26 May 1811	½ pt wky 4d ½ , rum 7d ½, wky 4d ½	$0.17
1 June 1811	2 ¾ yd linen 1/6, 22# molasses 2/3	$1.06 ¼
	1 pt wky, 9d 1c [cone?] sugar 9d	$0.25
5 June 1811	Wky 3d, 1 pr breeches 7/6 (16) wky 4d ½	$1.35
30 June 1811	Wky 9d, (July 1) 1 pint whisky 9d	$0.25
4 July 1811	Wky 4 ½ (Sept 15) 1 pt whiskey 4d ½	$0.12 ½
15 October 1811	1 doz. Buttons 1/ balance shoes 1/6	$0.42
16 January 1812	½ pint wky 4 d ½ (23) ½ pint wky 4d ½
	[Subtotaled]	$3.63
26 January 1812	To 1 # sugar 10d ½ (30) 2#s sugar	£0.2.9
13 Feb. 1812	1 ¼ yds grey cloth 12/6, ½ doz buttons 4d ½	£0.19.1 ½
	½ [illegible] 6d (March 6) ½ pint wky 4d ½	£0.0.10 ½
29 March 1812	½ pint molasses 4d ½	£0.0.4 ½
20 April 1812	2 dishes 1/6 per wife	£0.3.0
	Ferriage per do.	£0.0.9
2 May 1812	By cash per wife 3/ whiskey 4d ½	£1.6.9
	To ½ yds [illegible] cotton 2/ wky 4 ½	£0.3.4 ½

A Transcription of Credits

23 Dec. 1810	5 persimmon Pones 2/	$1.67
1 Feb. 18111	1 screw lock 2/6	$0.42
26 May 1811	By cash in Full	$1.97 ½
	[Subtotaled]	$5.06 ½
1 June 1811	By Cash 3/	$0.50
27 Dec. 1811	By Cash in full	$3.13
	[Subtotaled]	$3.63
19 June 1812	By Cash	£1.7.8 ½
	Card. To lg [Carried to ledger]	£1.1.1 ½

(Note on abbreviations: “wky” is the shortened form of “whiskey” for George White; “d” is the abbreviation for “pence.” British currency in the form of pounds, shillings, and pence survived a surprisingly long time in the young and independent America. As you can see, White moved easily between British and American currency. The math must have required a nimble brain, as there were 12 pence to a shilling and 20 shillings to a pound. The going exchange rate seems to have been roughly three dollars to one pound, though that often changed based on the circumstances of purchase or payment.)

What Did He Buy?

Jackson’s purchases fall into three broad categories: food stuffs, clothing goods, and whiskey. Of the three, Jackson purchased the least amount of food stuffs:  a half-bushel of salt, approximately three pounds of sugar, and molasses in unknown amounts due to some illegible writing. All kitchen staples in the early nineteenth century, these goods may have been meant for food preservation or flavor enhancers. Given that the salt was purchased in bulk (a half-bushel of salt could weigh between 25 and 35 pounds, depending on the coarseness of the salt), it may have been used as a preservative, though the March 1 purchase date would be a late start for meat preservation, which tended to take place in late fall to take advantage of cool but not freezing temperatures. The comparatively smaller amounts of sugar and molasses indicate a more sporadic use, likely as a flavoring, though the purchase of three pounds of sugar within four days in late January 1812 does hint that substantive amounts were being used at that time. Given the timing of the purchase, it is tempting to think that the sugar may have been used to sweeten cider that had been fermenting during the winter. 

The clothing goods Jackson purchased supplemented his family’s annual allotment provided by Thornley. Generally, clothing allotments included the basics an enslaved individual needed for the coming year or six months, depending on the plantation’s disbursement schedule and the owner’s financial ability. Either plain cloth like osnaburg would be supplied for the enslaved community to make their own clothes or ready-made clothing would be provided. Allotments might include two shirts or shifts, a couple pair of trousers or breeches, a petticoat or two, stockings, and a pair of shoes. On some plantations, enslaved individuals who served in more visible roles, such as housemaids or footmen, might receive higher quality apparel that indicated to visitors the financial and social status of the family who owned them. 

As a blacksmith, Jackson likely received a modified version the general allotment. The demands of his trade, namely that of working with red hot iron in a forge, dictated at least the inclusion of a leather apron and possibly gloves as well. His purchase of plain cloth, blue cloth, chintz, India cotton, linen, buttons, breeches, and a silk handkerchief were likely meant to either enhance the family’s wardrobe or fill gaps that sprang into the allotted clothing as items wore out or children grew.

The most notable of Jackson’s purchases are those of whiskey. Over the course of his account with White, Jackson purchased 7.75 quarts of whiskey, or approximately 248 ounces. (That’s just shy of 4.5 handles in modern terms.) Jackson had the social and economic capital to fund these purchases and White apparently felt confident that there would be no repercussions for selling the alcohol to Jackson. Why Jackson purchased so much, however, remains speculative. One quart was purchased Christmas Eve 1810 and another four days later, both of which likely served to enhance the holiday celebrations at White Plains. Others may have been purchased for similar reasons: to supplement what Thornley provided the quarter to mark the end of harvest or other celebrations, to share with the community at times of joy or grief, to indulge privately after a trying week. These purchases, too, put Soloman Jackson within the wider economic context of King George County, as by this period, whiskey had become a popular and widely available American drink, third only to beer and cider, and often shared by white communities at socially significant times, including holidays and election days. Thus, while he was not able to participate in societal and cultural mechanisms available to a ‘citizen’ of King George County, Jackson could and did prove himself an economic equal by following the same dictates of desire, comfort, and fashion, as did those not bound by slavery.

Mrs. Jackson’s Household

References to Jackson’s unnamed wife in 1812 clearly indicate he was part of a stable family unit, and it can be inferred that purchases of luxury fabrics, such as India cotton or silk, might be have been gifts to or made at the behest of his wife, allowing some freedom of expression through sartorial choices. That someone, likely the same unnamed wife, produced clothing for the family is evident in the purchase of buttons and thread, as well as the purchase of utilitarian cloth, such as the grey, blue, and plain cloth, each of which was purchased in yardage substantial enough to produce at least simple clothing. (Note: I identify Jackson’s wife as such only because we currently have no record of her name.) 

Jackson’s wife was as well-known to White as was her husband, and seemed to command similar economic power. In 1812, White noted she purchased two dishes from him, charged for their ferriage (shipping fees), and lent her three shillings on account. Given the ferriage charge, it seems that the dishes either were not in stock or were some degree of special order item. The Jackson family’s credit was good enough to accommodate her desire for an improved table setting and to allow her access to a small amount of ready money. 

Jackson’s wife also played a role in settling the family’s accounts. The five persimmon pones credited to Jackson’s account in December 1810 were likely products of his wife’s labor. Pones are unleavened bread loaves that serve as the first step in brewing persimmon beer. Thus, the Jacksons not only had access to persimmons, but his wife had knowledge of the brewing process and may have made persimmon beer that was both consumed at White Plains and circulated in the King George County economy to earn additional income.

Between the silk handkerchief, the dishes, and the persimmon pones, it seems that Jackson’s wife participated in the world of goods available to all other residents of King George County. Such transactions allowed her personal expression and moderate luxury not otherwise available and readily demonstrated to individuals outside the sphere of White Plains that the Jackson household possessed both the economic ability and the social capital to procure such goods. 

Settling the Accounts: Self Hire, Skilled Labor, and Ready Money

As an enslaved individual capable of practicing a skilled trade, Jackson had more mobility than the other enslaved individuals at White Plains and, in the cold calculations of slavery, had a higher monetary value to Thornley as well. Provided that Jackson performed his craft in a workmanlike manner, he could not only produce items necessary for White Plains, but may have also hired himself out or sold his goods to neighboring plantations. The act of hiring oneself out as an enslaved individual was often a semi-legal process. Owners could hire out their extraneous enslaved individuals at will. This was often an economic strategy used by owners strapped for cash but with extensive holdings of human chattel, not all of whom were necessary at any given time on the plantation, as well as those in need of additional labor but who could not afford to purchase an enslaved individual outright. In some cases, the enslaved individuals requested certain placements to be near family members, and worked out the details of the hiring, though it was ultimately up to his or her owner and the hirer to sign the agreement. 

As a blacksmith, Jackson’s labor did not follow the seasonal rhythms of agricultural life as closely as would have that of other enslaved individuals at White Plains. In the weeks leading up to planting and harvesting, tools would need to be put to rights, and during those processes tools would need to be repaired. Much of the rest of the year, however, Jackson might be making new hinges, repairing locks, or producing nails. The need for a forge and anvil for larger pieces meant some work had to be done at White Plains, but could easily be sold to or undertaken at the behest of neighboring plantation owners, farmers, and merchants.

That Jackson had ready money is evident in his credits. The majority of his account was paid by cash. Thus, Jackson was likely either hiring himself out or producing goods for market when his skills were not in demand at White Plains. When not paying cash, Jackson paid in goods, including a screw lock. Locks were generally among the more complex items a blacksmith produced, and while a screw lock might not be the most complicated lock, producing an item that required a screw mechanism prior to industrialization was a time-consuming endeavor. Threads had to be either hand-laid on the screw and hand-cut in the mechanism, though jigs were becoming more available at this time. Since we know of only a single screw lock produced by Jackson, it seems likely that he produced them often enough to do so well, but unlikely that he produced them so often that he might have possession of such a jig. The precision required for screw to match mechanism took time, patience, and a high degree of skill. That Jackson used one to help settle his accounts indicates that he not only had those skills, but that he also had the time and materials necessary to make one that could be used for his own personal economy. 

Stealing Themselves

The last collection is the King George County Claims for slaves who escaped during the war, 1861-1865. This collection includes lists and affidavits by owners of enslaved individuals who either escaped or were taken by Union forces during the Civil War. Most of the lists include the names and ages of enslaved individuals, while some also include statements documenting the circumstances of the loss, the value of the enslaved individual, or the tax value. 

James Quesenberry, the owner of White Plains from 1836 to 1873, submitted such a list to the King George County Committee of the Revenue, making a claim for thirty-four people who absconded with themselves before 1 February 1863. What makes this particularly remarkable is that, based on his 1862 county taxes, which recorded “the number and value of slaves of all ages and both sexes,” the enslaved population of White Plains totaled thirty-six people. In the months between his tax assessment and 1 February, Quesenberry lost 94.4% of his enslaved labor force. Of the thirty-four who left, Fanny was the eldest at about age 56, while the youngest was Emma, an infant. Fourteen of the thirty-four were men, half of whom were over 18 years old and the oldest, Henry, was 45. 

Quesenberry initially made out the list to include all thirty-six individuals whom he owned. One hopes this was done in error and not in at attempt to recover financial “losses” against the two individuals who stayed, and whose names were later struck from the list. The first is now illegible, but was an individual noted to be “45 or 50.” The second, Charles, was 45. Why these two remained at White Plains while the rest of the community left in the midst of war will forever be unknown, but it seems likely that they had relatives or immediate family, such as a spouse and children, in the neighborhood and the risks inherent to reuniting the family either before, during, or after escape were deemed too great. Illness or fear of the unknown may similarly shaped their decisions to remain.

…the simple lure of living the remainder of their days as free persons likely motivated them to abscond with themselves to Union lines.

What should always be noted, though, is that this list, as reductive as it seems, denotes individual men and women who made choices and acted on those choices. Ultimately, Quesenberry’s enslaved laborers of both sexes were generally within the prime of their lives, and the simple lure of living the remainder of their days as free persons likely motivated them to abscond with themselves to Union lines.

Living Against the Grain

George White’s journal and James Quesenberry’s list of escapees are not perfect reflections of lives of enslaved individuals at White Plains. They capture only the information these men were interested in preserving to serve their own economic interests. Yet, these records also capture moments in the lived experiences of enslaved African Americans: the choice to exchange ready cash for a silk handkerchief or new dishes, the choice to leave or to stay during war. These choices, whether we perceive them as mundane or significant nevertheless preserve individual agency and intelligence in motion.

Only by reading common sources in unexpected ways or by looking at records where we may not expect to find enslaved individuals can we discover such moments. Reading against the grain of history lets us construct a fuller, more nuanced understanding of how enslaved men and women navigated a system designed to strip away their humanity. In doing so, we see these men and women as active individuals – thinking, deciding, growing, and living for themselves, all while working against the grain of the society that enslaved them.